• Magazine of GOP elite says struggling whites just drug addicts, welfare cheats.
By Ronald L. Ray —
National Review’s Kevin D. Williamson has a problem: Donald Trump.
The misanthropic author of libertarian bombast despises The Donald for betraying wealthy Rockefeller Republicans, whose avaricious self-enrichment through “capitalism without borders” has destroyed the lives of America’s shrinking, primarily white, middle and working classes. But since NR’s diatribes have not toppled the Teflon Don, Williamson has turned his rabid, rancid attack against Trump’s supporters—those same hard-working Americans dispossessed by the vagaries of misnamed “free trade” and usuryimposing financial oligarchs.
On March 28, in his article entitled “The Father-Führer,” Williamson invoked shades of Adolf Hitler regarding Trump, but it is he himself calling for the racist genocide of an increasingly poor white America—the exact plan of the Zionist-controlled, internationalist New World Order.
Williamson and his ilk despise Trump because, when it comes to domestic policy, Trump dares to give voice to real problems experienced by real millions of people in the “flyover country” comprising 95% of this nation. Even more, they despise the Trump supporters who refuse to “keep their place” and have begun to resist the tyranny of international banksterism and exploitative, ueber-capitalist employers seeking ever-new ways to deprive workers of another dollar so that multimillion-dollar executive bonuses can remain intact.
The NR columnist tells some real whoppers, too: “American manufacturing continues to expand and thrive . . .” and, “Native-born low-skilled workers’ income may have stagnated, but their real income—what they can buy with the money they earn—has continued to improve modestly.” Is Williamson delusional? The dollar buys only a third of what it did in 1985, and a tenth of what it could in 1970—and far fewer Americans are still fully employed.
Williamson claims that increasingly poor whites are just lazy drug addicts and welfare cheats—although he does not say the same of poor blacks, who to him are victims of “progressivism,” as the news and commentary website “Daily Caller” notes. He callously thinks all that is needed is for displaced white workers to move to Pennsylvania to seek oil and gas jobs, for which, as HotAir.com points out, they may not be qualified any more than for careers as amoral, opportunistic investment bankers.
The rant continues: “The truth about these dysfunctional, downscale communities is that they deserve to die. Economically, they are negative assets. Morally, they are indefensible. . . . The white American underclass is in thrall to a vicious, selfish culture whose main products are misery and used heroin needles. Donald Trump’s speeches make them feel good. So does OxyContin. . . . [But they] need real opportunity, which means that they need real change, which means that they need U-Haul.”
Williamson is wrong. The problems experienced by the growing millions of displaced native-born American workers do not primarily originate with themselves. They are symptoms of the gross moral decay introduced into our white European, Christian civilization by cultural communists through usury and social decadence.
They are also symptoms of the selfsame libertarian capitalism Williamson embraces: the quasi-religious belief system that claims business stands outside the boundaries of morality, yet is magically always good, if it is “free market” and profitable.
Man, however, is a social creature. We all have moral responsibilities to each other. Workers have duties to their employers. But the boss has duties toward his employees, namely not to exploit them, but to provide them compensation for their labor sufficient to support a single-income family, in an environment that is uplifting, not degrading, with reasonable opportunities for rest and recreation and the ability to save money for the future.
The work environment must be one of mutual cooperation, not exploitation of employees trapped by “Walmartization” of the workplace because the good jobs were sent overseas.
In his demagogic pettifoggery, Williamson fails to recognize that perhaps these poorer whites cannot afford a U-Haul, or do not wish to destroy family ties to the places in which they have lived their lives for generations. He is a typical example of the rootless, cosmopolitan internationalist, for whom the words, “God, family, and country” have no real value outside of election campaigns. But they have meaning for the poor whites supporting Trump.
The reason the latter cannot just “get a job,” is that America’s employers—with the assistance of state and federal governments—abandoned them and hired foreigners for less money. But, of course, that’s alright, because it’s what the market demands. Morality has no place in pursuit of profit. “Let them eat cake!”
Williamson’s “final solution” to the problems resulting from the ongoing loss of more than 5 million manufacturing jobs to foreign slave labor is hardly encouraging for folks in small-town and rural America: those useless eaters “deserve to die.” Either enslave yourselves to the financial pharaohs, who demand you make bricks without straw, or die. But they will kill your soul, and then your body, just the same, because to them—as to Williamson—you are only a unit of capital to exploit.
A prostrate 1930s Germany went from destitution to full, peacetime employment, freed from enslavement to Zionist usurers—the real reason for World War II. Do the plutocrats fear Donald Trump might do the same for Americans?