• Unprecedented subterfuge fails to stem right-wing surge.
By Ronald L. Ray —
The French people are awakening increasingly to the threat posed to their ancient nation by their own government and its dangerous globalist policies.
In first-round December 2015 regional elections, France’s strongest nationalist party, the Front National (FN), caused a political earthquake, which sent establishment politicians and the world’s media into paroxysms of fright. By capturing 27.73% in the election, the FN won the plurality of votes and a massive gain over previous elections. But second-round electoral sabotage executed by the two ruling parties prevented the FN from obtaining control of any of the 13 regional governments. Here is why the French elections are important to France—and to the United States.
During the first-round elections, the FN actually led in six of 13 administrative regions of the country and stood likely to gain at least two regional presidencies: party leader Marine Le Pen in the north of the country and her niece, Marion Maréchal-Le Pen, at the southern end. FN Vice President Florian Phillipot also possessed a fair chance of gaining a regional presidency.
The established powers in the Socialist French government and media refused to allow such a significant power shift, since any major triumph for the nationalists would threaten their decades-long efforts to turn France into a multicultural moral cesspool. But in order for the “left-libertarian” Socialist Party and the right-of-center Republicains to accomplish this feat, they had to terrify their own voters into higher turnout with warnings about the FN’s “fascism,” “anti-Semitism” and “anti-Islamism.”
Republican former French president Nicolas Sarkozy bizarrely asserted that the “divisive” French nationalists “didn’t love France,” while Socialist party leader Jean-Christophe Cambadelis declared that FN rule would be like a return to
Worse for the ruling Socialists, that party had to withdraw its presidential candidates in two threatened regions, begging its followers to vote for the Republican candidates, in order to exclude the FN. As a consequence, the Republicans were able to gain seven regions to the Socialists’ six, along with 40% of the second-round votes. The underhanded move showed the weakness of both parties.
Indeed, Phillipot could exult, “We are the first party of France. . . . The ruling party [Socialists] already had to commit suicide in two regions. At some point, they will no longer survive.” This was no idle boast, as the FN has steadily increased the number of its supporters and tripled in this last election the number of its party members serving on regional councils.
Marine Le Pen has accomplished this by broadening the base of the party, including some leftists.
Cultural conservatives and rural French continue to provide the strongest support to the FN, but Mrs. Le Pen also has cozied up to Zionists and expressed herself tolerant of homosexuality. She has, however, made political capital out of vocal opposition to the increasingly violent Islamization of France. And she maintains a strong but vaguely defined French nationalism.
By contrast, 26-year-old Marion is a rising star more in the mold of her grandfather. An impassioned speaker and the youngest member of Parliament when elected at age 22, Marion represents the more Catholic, morally conservative French national idea.
In a recent address in a city with a large number of French citizens of Arab descent, “she said Muslims could only be French ‘if they follow customs and a lifestyle that has been shaped by Greek and Roman influence and 16 centuries of Christianity.’”
“We are not a land of Islam,” she said. “In our country, we don’t wear djellaba clothing, we don’t wear a veil and we don’t impose cathedral-sized mosques.”
While pundits attempt to paint Marine as a sort of European Donald Trump, she bristles at the concept. Perhaps the closest comparison would be to the late President Ronald Reagan, who built a coalition of labor Democrats, social and fiscal conservatives and others—including “conservative” homosexuals and Zionists.
However, if Trump holds to the nationalist and populist line, drawing increasing numbers of followers in a manner which mimics FN growth in France, establishment Republicans and Democrats will close ranks against him to preserve their political and financial power, just as do the French Republicans and Socialists.
Already there is talk of country club Republican donors abandoning the party to support Hillary Clinton in an “anybody but Donald” move to keep the American people from any possibility of taking back their government.
But for now, let us celebrate and promote European-American nationalism and cultural pride, while hope for its survival still exists.
Ronald L. Ray is a freelance author and an assistant editor of THE BARNES REVIEW. He is a descendant of several patriots of the American War for Independence.
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